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Fifty-two percent of Americans in urban areas and 36 percent of those in rural areas also say affordable housing is a major problem. Suburban dwellers say jobs 22 percent , affordable housing 34 percent , and poverty 21 percent are less of a problem. Two-thirds of urban dwellers 62 percent and more than half of rural dwellers 56 percent say outsiders have a negative view of their community. Suburbanites, by contrast, say outsiders like them. Sixty percent say outsiders have a positive view of the community. Almost half of rural Americans 47 percent say they live in or near the community where they grew up.

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Twenty-one percent of urban dwellers and 18 percent of suburbanites have always lived in or near the same community. Almost two-thirds 62 percent of those in rural areas had lived in the community for 11 years or more. Fifty-three percent of suburban dwellers and 45 percent of urban dwellers had stayed in the same place. A third 34 percent of suburbanites would like to leave.


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So would a quarter of rural dwellers. Interestingly, relatively few Americans 16 percent feel very attached to the place they live, no matter where that is. Those living in urban, rural, and suburban areas all report similar levels of attachment.


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The party entered the midterms holding two-thirds of the districts with thirty or fewer stores, and it picked up an additional twenty-nine seats in this category. By comparison, Republicans went into the midterms holding three-fourths of the districts with over thirty SNAP-authorized dollar stores and lost a net of just eleven seats in that range.

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But Democrats flipped few seats in high-dollar-store districts because they started from far behind. In two dozen of them, Democrats did not even field candidates in But in , that changed. The chart above highlights those newly contested seats with diamonds. Most of them are disadvantaged rural districts where Democrats have not been competitive since Ronald Reagan first won office. Many are southern districts that went red as party positions on civil rights switched.

In , Democrats stepped back up to compete in these places, and did so with a nationalized brand that is avowedly progressive on issues of racial justice. The above plot shows congressional districts where Democrats ran in both and The breadth of the shift is clear. Very few districts moved towards the GOP in Those that did were almost entirely in and remained in Democratic hands.

Rather, even in districts with many dollar stores, congressional votes totals moved somewhere between a little and a lot towards the Democratic candidate. In fact, in , Democrats improved their vote share as much in high-dollar-store districts as they did in ones with the fewest stores.

They even managed to win in VA U p through the elections, the ongoing geographic concentration of prosperity drove a widening political divide. Democrats were positioned as caring about the kinds of people who live in urban areas, and the kinds of poverty and inequality they face.

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So how did Democrats make a comeback? They stepped forward, found each other, created and used online resources, and took hands-on political action. New or re-energized progressive groups in red districts have repopulated local Democratic committees and altered the ecosystem for campaigns up and down the ballot.

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These groups aided candidate recruitment and fundraising, knocked on doors and made calls, and encouraged campaigns to come hold events in locales they might otherwise have skipped. Meanwhile, another new group one not even listed on the Indivisible site helped Democratic candidate J. Scholten host a campaign stop in Pocahontas, Iowa, population 1, The stop featured a rally with forty attendees as well as a coffee-shop phonebank. They supported Democratic candidates who ran for positions large and small—with locally framed messages to match.

Forty-nine and fifty were called up together, to opposite ends of the counter. It was busy now, the numbers ticking by more quickly because the manager had sent help to get through the midday rush. Only Anne Stanhope remained. The employees behind the counter were so busy that the dial was at fifty-two and then almost instantly at sixty. Sixty-one was called. People stepped around her, in front of her, and she felt—right down to her fingertips—a kind of quickening.

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Her peripheral vision sparked and distorted the edges of everything so that when she turned quickly to look at something, it moved just out of sight. And even while everything inside her body seemed to speed up, everything outside of her body—the movements of the other shoppers, the reaching and lowering of boxes and packages into carts—slowed.

A carton of milk had a wet drip gathering along the cardboard seam. In the distant front of the store, the automatic doors wheezed open, and she could feel the cold air racing down the aisle to slide under the collar of her coat. They smirked and nodded and gave each other signals.

She stepped out of her heels to get a better sense of what was happening, to defend herself if need be, and in one nimble motion she bent and swept the shoes from the floor, tossed them in her basket. She unwound the scarf from her neck. She pushed forward to the counter. Some distant part of her recognized the woman as a Eucharistic minister at St. This woman had put her filthy fingertips on the host, the body of Christ, and Anne had taken it into her mouth.